By H A Jäschke
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Additional info for A Tibetan-English dictionary, with special reference to the prevailing dialects. To which is added an English-Tibetan vocabulary
However, we would expect that a voiced medial consonant would lower the pitch of the following vowel. But this apparently did not happen, and the voiced obstruent theory provides no answer for the oddity, since the feature [+voice] is present in both Proto-Korean and Middle Korean. However, if we assume that the medial consonants that became MK -W-, -l-, -z-, and -G- were once voiceless, we have a plausible explanation if the ordering of our rules is as follows: first, the pitch was phonologized, that is, it was no longer a simple phonation, and only after that did voicing occur.
A final consonant, incidentally, explains the “puzzle of MK copula í-lá” (Martin 1998: 9), the only verb that has one of its stems ending with a non-minimal vowel, after which we have to expect the lenition of i-la < i-ta. 19 Let us turn our attention to some features of internal reconstruction that offer some evidence in favor of the hypothesis that the stems of these verbs once had a CVC- or CVCV- structure. At least one of the verbs in Class 3, ho- ‘to do’, goes back to the stem hoy-, which ended in the glide [y].
The reflexes of PJ *u and *o in Western Old Japanese, Proto-Ryukyuan, Amami, Miyako, and Shuri are summarized in the chart. Chart 12: Reflexes of PJ *u and *o PJ WOJ PR *u u *u *o u, -ô *o Amami u, ï u, o Miyako u, ï, i u Shuri u, i u The next chart provides some examples of words with PJ *u and *o. 26 The developments of *e and *o in Ryukyuan dialects are quite complex, exhibiting various reflexes depending on environment in most dialects. My charts present the reflexes in a simplified way. For details see Thorpe (1983).